On November 14, 1916, the deputy Pavel Milyukov made his famous anti-government speech in the State Duma: “ Stupidity or treason? '', where he accused Nikolai & nbsp of betraying ; II & nbsp; & nbsp; and his wife Alexandra Fedorovna.
At the same time, he pointed to the foreign press, including the German one, as sources. The press of the country with which Russia at that time & nbsp; had already been at war for two years. If we consider Milyukov's actions in today's realities, then the deputy behaved, & nbsp; like a classic foreign agent & ndash; from a high rostrum he voiced certain rumors that destabilized the & nbsp; & nbsp; situation inside the belligerent country.
I went to Europe to collect rumors & nbsp;
Shortly before the speech in the Duma & ndash; in & nbsp; & nbsp; July-September 1916 & ndash; Milyukov & nbsp; & nbsp; went to Europe. If we continue the analogy with a foreign agent, then Milyukov traveled to Europe to meet with the curators. He himself explained, & nbsp; that the purpose of his trip was to collect information about the attempts of the Russian government to make a separate peace with Germany. Allegedly, Milyukov managed to find materials that & nbsp; & nbsp; testified about the steps of the Prime Minister Sturmer in this direction. But these facts were not presented anywhere. In his speech, at most, he referred to publications in the Western press.
Milyukov's scandalous speech played into the hands of people who spread absurd gossip. For example, that in the & nbsp; royal palace there is a secret radiotelegraph station, which transmits secret information to & nbsp; Germany. After the February Revolution, attempts were even made to find this telegraph station. Naturally, & nbsp; they did not end with anything. In general, not a single piece of evidence was found that could cast a shadow on Alexandra Fedorovna and Nicholas & nbsp; II.
& nbsp; In fact, the Empress & nbsp; and & nbsp; two of her & nbsp; eldest daughters immediately after the start of the war took courses of military ses & shy; ter of mercy to assist in the hospital during the operations of wounded soldiers. The royal family provided their palaces for the needs of the wounded. It was true. But this truth was not interesting to Mr. Milyukov – the leader of the Russian democrats of the early twentieth century, the leader of the Cadet party, deputy of the III and IV State Dumas.
By martial law
Milyukov was driven by political ambitions. The desire to remove the legitimate head of state from the political arena. The politician understood that it would be unrealistic to dump Nicholas & nbsp; II after he & nbsp; won the war, and everything was going on. Hence, we must act immediately. And all means are good for the seizure of power. If you superimpose this situation from the First World War on the & nbsp; & nbsp; World War II, you can imagine the following picture. A certain prominent Soviet politician in the fall of 1941 publicly accuses Stalin that, they say, he is the culprit of the Red Army's defeats, that because of his inept actions & nbsp; & nbsp; the enemy is near Moscow, 3 million Red Army soldiers died and were taken prisoner, the army is not enough weapons. What do you think would have happened to this politician in 1941? He would have been accused of treason and most likely shot.
Nothing of the kind happened to Milyukov. But with Russia, which he made a bargaining chip in his political game, there were terrible shocks. What did Deputy Milyukov achieve for himself personally?
How Milyukov himself became an enemy of the people
In the first composition of the Provisional Government, Miliukov received the portfolio of the Minister of Foreign Affairs. The politician expected that this & ndash; the beginning of the way up, but it turned out that a steep descent awaited him. It took only two months for Milyukov, one of the creators of February 1917, to become an enemy of the people for those for whose good he cared. Already in April 1917, in the streets of Petrograd & nbsp; during the riots organized by the Bolsheviks, slogans were shouted: “ Milyukov to leave! '' and Down with the Provisional Government. This was the end of Milyukov's political career in Russia, free of autocracy.
The scandalous speech, based on rumors from the foreign press, remained his most striking act in history. Historical scrapping of Russia & ndash; the October coup, the civil war, which he promoted, passed without Milyukov. He safely took refuge in France, where he died in 1943.
“History will curse us who caused the storm”
After the October Revolution, the so-called “ letter of repentance '' was discovered. Milyukov. & Nbsp; & nbsp; In it, he admits his guilt for what he had done, realizing that “ history will curse us, who caused the storm. '' Admits that he rocked the boat on purpose while the country was at war. Milyukov himself insisted that it was a fake. Nevertheless, this document was introduced into circulation in Soviet historiography. A letter of repentance Milyukov in the USSR was published several times, in particular, in the book & nbsp; V. & nbsp; S. & nbsp; & nbsp; Dyakin & nbsp; & nbsp; & laquo; Russian & nbsp; bourgeoisie & nbsp; and & nbsp; tsarism & nbsp; in & nbsp; 19 & nbsp; 19 & nbsp; the first war & nbsp; … L., 1967, and in the book & nbsp; V. L. Kuvshinova 'The Bolshevik Party's exposure of the ideology & nbsp; & nbsp; and the tactics of the cadets & nbsp; & nbsp; & nbsp; (February & mdash; October 1917) Publishing house of Moscow University 1982.
The original document titled & nbsp; & nbsp; “ From a letter from the leader of the Cadet party, & nbsp; former minister of the first Provisional Government P.N. Milyukov & nbsp; to a former member of the Council of Monarchist Congresses I.V. Revenko & nbsp; (end of December 1917 & mdash; beginning of January 1918) & raquo; & nbsp; is stored in the FSB archive. The author writes: & nbsp; “ You know that the firm decision to use the war to produce a coup was made by us shortly after the outbreak of this war. Note also that we could not wait any longer, because we knew that at the end of April or the beginning of May our army had to go on the offensive, the results of which would immediately completely stop all hints of discontent and cause an explosion of patriotism and jubilation in the country … History will curse our leaders, the so-called proletarians, but it will also curse us, who caused the storm. What to do now, you ask … I don’t know. That is, inside, we both know that the salvation of Russia is in the return to the monarchy, we know that all the events of the last two months have clearly proved that the people were not capable of accepting freedom, that the mass of the population, not participating in rallies and congresses, is monarchist, that many many campaigners for the republic do it out of fear. ''
“ Conscious treason played a role ''
The author speaks about the policy of the Bolsheviks in the following way: & nbsp; “ It goes without saying that the leaders of the Soviet of Workers' Deputies are leading us to defeat and financial economic collapse quite deliberately. The outrageous posing of the question of a world without annexations and indemnities, in addition to its complete senselessness, has already fundamentally spoiled our relations with our allies and undermined our credit. Of course, this was not a surprise to the inventors.
I will not explain to you why they needed all this, I will briefly say that part of deliberate betrayal, part of the desire to fish in troubled waters, part of the passion for popularity played a role here. But, of course, we must admit that the moral responsibility for what has happened lies with us, that is, with the bloc of parties in the State Duma. What to do now, you ask … I don’t know. That is, inside, we both know that the salvation of Russia is in the return to the monarchy, we know, & nbsp; that all the events of the last two months clearly proved that the people were not capable of accepting freedom, that the mass of the population, not participating in rallies and congresses, is monarchical, that many and many campaigning for the republic do it out of fear. & nbsp; But & nbsp; We simply cannot admit it. Recognition is the collapse of our whole life's work, the collapse of the whole worldview of which we are representatives. We cannot admit, we cannot oppose, we cannot unite with those rightists, submit to those rightists with whom they have fought for so long and with such success. Of course, this letter is strictly confidential. You can only show it to the members of the circle known to you. ''
Milyukov himself did not confirm the authenticity of this letter until the end of his days. Which is not surprising. & Nbsp; Recognizing it & nbsp; reliable would be tantamount to an act of & nbsp; self-exposure. & Nbsp; Therefore, Milyukov & nbsp; continued to put a good face on a bad game. Moreover, in Paris he had every opportunity for this.